Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1st Baron Macaulay PC (25 October 1800 - 28 December 1859) was an English poet, historian, and Whig politician. who wrote extensively as an essayist and reviewer, and on British history.
Life[]
Youth and education[]
Macauley was born at Rothley Temple, Leicestershire, on 25 October 1800. His father, Zachary Macaulay (1768–1838), had been governor of Sierra Leone, and was in 1800 secretary to the chartered company which had founded that colony; an ardent philanthropist, he did much to secure the abolition of the slave trade, and he edited the abolitionist organ, the Christian Observer, for many years.[1]
Happy in his home, the son at a very early age gave proof of a determined bent towards literature. Before he was 8 years of age he had written a Compendium of Universal History, which gave a tolerably connected view of the leading events from the creation to 1800, and a romance in the style of Scott, in 3 cantos, called The Battle of Cheviot. A little later he composed a long poem on the history of Olaus Magnus, and a vast pile of blank verse entitled Fingal: A Poem in Twelve Books.[1]
After being at a private school, in October 1818 young Macaulay went to Trinity College, Cambridge, where he afterwards became a fellow. He gained in 1824 a college prize for an essay on the character of William III. He also won a prize for Latin declamation and a Craven scholarship.[1] He earned a B.A. in 1822 and an M.A. in 1825, and was made a fellow of the college in 1824.[2]
Early career[]
In 1826 Macaulay was called to the bar and joined the northern circuit. But he soon gave up even the pretence of reading law, and spent many more hours under the gallery of the house of commons than in the court.[1]
His earliest attempt at a public speech, made at an anti-slavery meeting in 1824, was described by the Edinburgh Review as “a display of eloquence of rare and matured excellence.” His earliest considerable appearance in print was in No. 1 of Knight’s Quarterly Magazine, a periodical which enjoyed a short but brilliant existence, and which was largely supported by Eton and Cambridge.[1]
In August 1825 began Macaulay’s connection with the periodical which was to prove the field of his literary reputation. The Edinburgh Review was at this time at the height of its power, not only as an organ of the growing opinion which leant towards reform, but as a literary tribunal from which there was no appeal. His essay on Milton (August 1825), so crude that the author afterwards said that “it contained scarcely a paragraph such as his matured judgment approved,” created for him at once a literary reputation which suffered no diminution to the last, a reputation which he established and confirmed, but which it would have been hardly possible to make more conspicuous. Publisher John Murray declared that it would be worth the copyright of Childe Harold to have Macaulay on the staff of the Quarterly Review; and Robert Hall, the orator (writhing with pain, and wellnigh worn out with disease), was discovered lying on the floor employed in learning by aid of grammar and dictionary enough Italian to enable him to verify the parallel between Milton and Dante.[1]
This sudden blaze of popularity, kindled by a single essay, is partly to be explained by the dearth of literary criticism in England at that epoch. For, though a higher note had already been sounded by Hazlitt and Coleridge, it had not yet taken hold of the public mind, which was still satisfied with the feeble appreciations of the Retrospective Review, or the dashing and damnatory improvisation of Wilson in Blackwood or Jeffrey in the Edinburgh. Still, allowance being made for the barbarous partisanship of the established critical tribunals of the period, it seems surprising that a social success so signal should have been the consequence of a single article.[1]
The explanation is that the writer of the article on Milton was, unlike most authors, also a brilliant conversationalist. There has never been a period when an amusing talker has not been in great demand at London tables; but when Macaulay made his début witty conversation was studied and cultivated as it has ceased to be in the more busy age which has succeeded. At the university Macaulay had been recognized as pre-eminent for inexhaustible talk and genial companionship among a circle of such brilliant young men as Charles Austin, Romilly, Praed and Villiers. He now displayed these gifts on a wider theatre. Launched on the best that London had to give in the way of society, Macaulay accepted and enjoyed with all the zest of youth and a vigorous nature the opportunities opened for him. He was courted and admired by the most distinguished personages of the day. He was admitted at Holland House, where Lady Holland listened to him with deference, and scolded him with a circumspection which was in itself a compliment. Samuel Rogers spoke of him with friendliness and to him with affection. He was treated with almost fatherly kindness by “Conversation” Sharp.[1]
Thus distinguished, and justifiably conscious of his great powers, Macaulay began to aspire to a political career. But the shadow of pecuniary trouble early began to fall upon his path. When he went to college his father believed himself to be worth £100,000. But commercial disaster overtook the house of Babington & Macaulay, and the son now saw himself compelled to work for his livelihood. His Trinity fellowship of £300 a year became of great consequence to him, but it expired in 1831; he could make at most £200 a year by writing; and a commissionership of bankruptcy, which was given him by Lord Lyndhurst in 1828, and which brought him in about £400 a year, was swept away, without compensation, by the ministry which came into power in 1830. Macaulay was reduced to such straits that he had to sell his Cambridge gold medal.[1]
In parliament[]
In February 1830 the doors of the House of Commons were opened to him through what was then called a “pocket borough.” Lord Lansdowne, who had been struck by 2 articles on James Mill and the Utilitarians, which appeared in the Edinburgh Review in 1829, offered the author the seat at Calne. The offer was accompanied by the express assurance [1] that the patron had no wish to interfere with Macaulay's freedom of voting. He thus entered parliament at a most exciting moment of English domestic history, when the compact phalanx of reactionary administration which for nearly 50 years had commanded a crushing majority in the Commons was on the point of being broken by the growing strength of the party of reform.[3]
Macaulay made his maiden speech on 5 April 1830, on the 2nd reading of the Bill for the Removal of Jewish Disabilities. In July the king died and parliament was dissolved; the revolution took place in Paris; Macaulay, who was again returned for Calne, visited Paris, eagerly enjoying a taste of foreign travel. On 1 March 1831 the Reform Bill was introduced, and on the 2nd night of the debate Macaulay made the earliest of his reform speeches. It was, like all his speeches, a success. Sir Robert Peel said of it that “ portions were as beautiful as anything I have ever heard or read.”[3]
Encouraged by this success, Macaulay now threw himself with ardour into the life of the House of Commons, while at the same time he continued to enjoy to the full the social opportunities which his literary and political celebrity had placed within his reach. He dined out almost nightly, and spent many of his Sundays at the suburban villas of the Whig leaders, while he continued to supply the Edinburgh Review with articles.[3]
On the triumph of Earl Grey's cabinet, and the passing of the Reform Act in June 1832, Macaulay, whose eloquence had, signalized every stage of the conflict, became a commissioner of the board of control, and applied himself to the study of Indian affairs. Giving his days to India and his nights to the House of Commons, he could only devote a few hours to literary composition by rising at 5 a.m. when the business of the house had allowed of his getting to bed in time on the previous evening. Between September 1831 and December 1833 he furnished the Review with 8 important articles, besides writing his ballad on the Armada.[3]
In the 1st Reform Parliament, January 1833, Macaulay took his seat as 1 of the 2 members for Leeds, which up to that date had been unrepresented in the House of Commons. He replied to O'Connell in the debate on the address, meeting the great agitator face to face, with high, but not intemperate, defiance. In July he defended the Government of India Bill in a speech of great power, and he was instrumental in getting the bill through committee without unnecessary friction.[3]
When the abolition of slavery came before the house as a practical question, Macaulay had the prospect of having to surrender office or to vote for a modified abolition, viz. 12 years apprenticeship, which was proposed by the ministry, but condemned by the abolitionists. He was prepared to make the sacrifice of place rather than be unfaithful to the cause to which his father had devoted his life. He placed his resignation in Lord Althorp's hands, and spoke against the ministerial proposal. But the sense of the house was so strongly expressed as unfavourable that, finding they would be beaten if they persisted, the ministry gave way, and reduced apprenticeship to 7 years, a compromise which the abolition party accepted; and Macaulay remained at the board of control.[3]
While he was thus growing in reputation, and advancing his public credit, the fortunes of the family were sinking, and it became evident that his sisters would have no provision except such as their brother might be enabled to make for them. Macaulay had but 2 sources of income, both of them precarious — office and his pen. As to office, the Whigs could not have expected at that time to retain power for a whole generation; and, even while they did so, Macaulay's resolution that he would always give an independent vote made it possible that he might at any moment find himself in disagreement with his colleagues, and have to quit his place. As to literature, he wrote to Lord Lansdowne in 1833, “it has been hitherto merely my relaxation; I have never considered it as the means of support. I have chosen my own topics, taken my own time, and dictated my own terms. The thought of becoming a bookseller's hack, of spurring a jaded fancy to reluctant exertion, of filling sheets with trash merely that sheets may be filled, of bearing from publishers and editors what Dryden bore from Tonson and what Mackintosh bore from Lardner, is horrible to me.”[3]
Macaulay was thus prepared to accept the offer of a seat in the supreme council of India, created by the new India Act. The salary of the office was fixed at £10,000, out of which he calculated to be able to save £30,000 in five years. His sister Hannah accepted his proposal to accompany him, and in February 1834 the brother and sister sailed for Calcutta.[3]
In India[]
Macaulay's appointment to India occurred at the critical moment when the government of the company was being superseded by government by the Crown. His knowledge of India was, when he landed, but superficial. But at this juncture there was more need of statesmanship directed by general liberal principles than of a practical knowledge of the details of Indian administration. Macaulay's presence in the council was of great value; his minutes are models of good judgment and practical sagacity. The part he took in India has been described as “the application of sound liberal principles to a government which had till then been jealous, close and repressive.” He vindicated the liberty of the press; he maintained the equality of Europeans and natives before the law; and as president of the committee of public instruction he inaugurated the system of national education.[3]
A clause in the India Act 1833 occasioned the appointment of a commission to inquire into the jurisprudence of the Eastern dependency. Macaulay was appointed president of that commission. The draft of a penal code which he submitted became, after a revision of many years, and by the labor of many experienced lawyers, the Indian criminal code. Of this code sir James Stephen said that “it reproduces in a concise and even beautiful form the spirit of the law of England, in a compass which by comparison with the original may be regarded as almost absurdly small. The Indian penal code is to the English criminal law what a manufactured article ready for use is to the materials out of which it is made. It is to the French code pénal, and to the German code of 1871, what a finished picture is to a sketch. It is simpler and better expressed than Livingston's code for Louisiana; and its practical success has been complete.”[3]
Macaulay's enlightened views and measures drew down on him, however, the abuse and ill-will of Anglo-Indian society. Fortunately for himself he was enabled to maintain a tranquil indifference to political detraction by withdrawing his thoughts into a sphere remote from the opposition and enmity by which he was surrounded. Even amid the excitement of his early parliamentary successes literature had balanced politics in his thoughts and interests. Now in his exile he began to feel more strongly each year the attraction of European letters and European history.[3]
He wrote to his friend Ellis: “ I have gone back to Greek literature with a passion astonishing to myself. I have never felt anything like it. I was enraptured with Italian during the six months which I gave up to it; and I was little less pleased with Spanish. But when I went back to the Greek I felt as if I had never known before what intellectual enjoyment was.” In 13 months he read through, some of them twice, a large part of the Greek and Latin classics.[3]
The fascination of these studies produced their inevitable effect upon his view of political life. He began to wonder what strange infatuation leads men who can do something better to squander their intellect, their health and energy, on such subjects as those which most statesmen are engaged in pursuing. He was already, he says, " more than half determined to abandon politics and give myself wholly to letters, to undertake some great historical work, which may be at once the business and the amusement of my life, and to leave the pleasures of pestiferous rooms, sleepless nights, and diseased stomachs to Roebuck and to Praed.”[3]
Return to England[]
In 1838 Macaulay and his sister Hannah, who had married Charles Trevelyan in 1834, returned to England. He at once entered parliament as member for Edinburgh. In 1839 he became secretary at war, with a seat in the cabinet in Lord Melbourne's ministry. His acceptance of office diverted him for a time from prosecuting the plan he had already formed of a great historical work.[3] But in less than 2 years the Melbourne ministry fell. In 1842 appeared his Lays of Ancient Rome, and in the next year he collected and published his Essays.[4]
He returned to office in 1846, in Lord John Russell's administration, as paymaster-general. His duties were very light, and the contact with official life and the obligations of parliamentary attendance were even of benefit to him while he was engaged upon his History. In the sessions of 1846–1847 he spoke only 5 times, and at the general election of July 1847 he lost his seat for Edinburgh.[4]
The balance of Macaulay's faculties had now passed to the side of literature. At an earlier date he had relished crowds and the excitement of ever new faces; as years went forward, and absorption in the work of composition took off the edge of his spirits, he recoiled from publicity. He began to regard the prospect of business as worry, and had no longer the nerve to brace himself to the social efforts required of one who represents a large constituency.[4]
Macaulay retired into private life, not only without regret, but with a sense of relief. He gradually withdrew from general society, feeling the bore of big dinners and country-house visits, but he still enjoyed close and constant intercourse with a circle of the most eminent men that London then contained. At that time social breakfasts were in vogue. Macaulay himself preferred this to any other form of entertainment. Of these brilliant reunions nothing has been preserved beyond the names of the men who formed them — Rogers, Hallam, Sydney Smith, Lord Carlisle, Lord Stanhope, Nassau Senior, Charles Greville, Milman, Panizzi, G.C. Lewis, Van de Weyer.[4]
His biographer thus describes Macaulay's appearance and bearing in conversation: “Sitting bolt upright, his hands resting on the arms of his chair, or folded over the handle of his walking-stick, knitting his eyebrows if the subject was one which had to be thought out as he went along, or brightening from the forehead downwards when a burst of humour was coming, his massive features and honest glance suited well with the manly sagacious sentiments which he set forth in his sonorous voice and in his racy and intelligible language. To get at his meaning people had never the need to think twice, and they certainly had seldom the time.”[4]
History of England[]
But, great as was his enjoyment of literary society and books, they only formed his recreation. In these years he was working with unflagging industry at the composition of his History. His composition was slow, his corrections both of matter and style endless; he spared no pains to ascertain the facts. He sacrificed to the prosecution of his task a political career, House of Commons fame, the allurements of society.[4]
The earliest 2 volumes of the History of England appeared in December 1848. The success was in every way complete beyond expectation. The sale of edition after edition, both in England and the United States, was enormous.[4]
In 1852, when his party returned to office, he refused a seat in the cabinet, but he could not bring himself to decline the compliment of a voluntary amende which the city of Edinburgh paid him in returning him at the head of the poll at the general election in July of that year. He had hardly accepted the summons to return to parliamentary life before fatal weakness betrayed itself in deranged action of the heart; from this time forward till his death his strength continued steadily to sink. The process carried with it dejection of spirits as its inevitable attendant. The thought oppressed him that the great work to which he had devoted himself would remain a fragment.[4]
Once again, in June 1853, he spoke in parliament, and with effect, against the exclusion of the master of the rolls from the House of Commons, and at a later date in defense of competition for the Indian civil service. But he was aware that it was a grievous waste of his small stock of force, and that he made these efforts at the cost of more valuable work.[4]
In November 1855 vols. iii. and iv. of the History appeared and obtained a vast circulation. Within a generation of its original appearance upwards of 140,000 copies of the History were printed and sold in the United Kingdom alone; and in the United States the sales were on a correspondingly large scale. The History was translated into German, Polish, Danish, Swedish, Hungarian, Russian, Bohemian, Italian, French, Dutch and Spanish. Flattering marks of respect were heaped upon the author by foreign academies. His pecuniary profits were (for that time) on a scale commensurate with the reputation of the book: the cheque he received for £20,000 has become a landmark in literary history.[4]
Character[]
Lord Macaulay never married. A man of warm domestic affections, he found their satisfaction in the attachment and close sympathy of his sister Hannah, the wife of Sir Charles Trevelyan. Her children were to him as his own. Macaulay was a steadfast friend, and no act inconsistent with the strictest honor and integrity was ever imputed to him. When a poor man, and when salary was of consequence to him, he twice resigned office rather than make compliance's for which he would not have been severely blamed.[4] In 1847, when his seat in parliament was at stake, he would not be persuaded to humor, to temporize, even to conciliate. He had a keen relish for the good things of life, and desired fortune as the means of obtaining them; but there was nothing mercenary or selfish in his nature. When he had raised himself to opulence, he gave away with an open hand, not seldom rashly. His very last act was to write a letter to a poor curate enclosing a cheque for £25. The purity of his morals was not associated with any tendency to cant.[4]
The lives of men of letters are often records of sorrow or suffering. The life of Macaulay was eminently happy. Till the closing years (1857–1859), he enjoyed life with the full zest of healthy faculty, happy in social intercourse, happy in the solitude of his study, and equally divided between them. For the last 15 years of his life he lived for literature. His writings were remunerative to him far beyond the ordinary measure, yet he never wrote for money. He lived in his historical researches; his whole heart and interest were unreservedly given to the men and the times of whom he read and wrote.[4]
Last years[]
In May 1856 he left the Albany, in which he had passed 15 happy years, and went to live at Holly Lodge, Campden Hill, then, before it was enlarged, a tiny bachelor's dwelling, but with a lawn whose unbroken slope of verdure gave it the air of a considerable country house. In the following year (1857) he was raised to the peerage by the title of Baron Macaulay of Rothley. “It was,” says Lady Trevelyan, “ one of the few things that everybody approved; he enjoyed it himself, as he did everything, simply and cordially.” It was a novelty in English life to see eminence which was neither that of territorial opulence nor of political or military services recognized and rewarded by elevation to the peerage.[4]
But Macaulay's health, which had begun to give way in 1852, was every year visibly failing. In May 1858 he went to Cambridge for the purpose of being sworn in as high steward of the borough, to which office he had been elected on the death of Earl Fitzwilliam. When his health was given at a public breakfast in the town-hall he was obliged to excuse himself from speaking.[4]
In the upper house he never spoke. Absorbed in the prosecution of his historical work, he had grown indifferent to the party politics of his own day. Gradually he had to acquiesce in the conviction that, though his intellectual powers remained unimpaired, his physical energies would not carry him through the reign of Anne; and, though he brought down the narrative to the death of William III, the last half-volume wants the finish and completeness of the earlier portions.[4]
The winter of 1859 told on him, and he died on 28 December.[4]
Biographies[]
The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay (2 vols., 1876), by his nephew, Sir George Otto Trevelyan, is among the best biographies in the English language. The life (1882) in the “English Men of Letters” series was written by J. Cotter Morison. For further criticism, see Hepworth Dixon, in his Life of Penn (1841); John Paget, The New Examen: Inquiry into Macaulay's History (1861) and Paradoxes and Puzzles (1874); Walter Bagehot, in the National Review (Jan. 1856), reprinted in his Literary Studies (1879); James Speddin, Evenings with a Reviewer (1881), discussing his essay on Bacon; Sir L. Stephen, Hours in a Library, vol. ii. (1892); Lord Morley, Critical Miscellanies (1877), vol. ii.; Lord Avebury, Essays and Addresses (1903); Thum, Anmerkungen zu Macaulay's History of England (Heilbronn, 1882). A bibliography of German criticism of Macaulay is given in G. Körting's Grd. der engl. Literatur (4th ed., Münster, 1905).[5]
Writing[]
Macaulay's whole works were collected in 1866 by his sister, Lady Trevelyan, in 8 volumes The opening 4 volumes are occupied by the History; the next 3 contain the Essays, and the Lives which he contributed to the Encyclopaedia Britannica. In vol. viii. are collected his Speeches, the Lays of Ancient Rome, and some miscellaneous pieces. The “life" by Dean Milman, printed in vol. viii. of the edition of 1858–1862, is prefixed to the “ People's Edition " (4 vols., 1863–1864). Messrs. Longmans, Green & Co. published a complete edition, the “Albany, " in 12 vols., in 1898. There are numerous editions of the Critical and Historical Essays, separately and collectively; they were edited in 1903 by F. C. Montagu.[5]
His command of literature was imperial. Beginning with a good classical foundation, he made himself familiar with the imaginative, and then with the historical, remains of Greece and Rome. He went on to add the literature of his own country, of France, of Italy, of Spain. He learnt Dutch enough for the purposes of his history. He read German, but for the literature of the northern nations he had no taste, and of the erudite labors of the Germans he had little knowledge and formed an inadequate estimate.[4]
The range of his survey of human things had other limitations more considerable still.[4] All philosophical speculation was alien to his mind; nor did he seem aware of the degree in which such speculation had influenced the progress of humanity. A large — the largest — part of ecclesiastical history lay outside his historical view. Of art he confessed himself ignorant, and even refused a request to furnish a critique on Swift's poetry to the Edinburgh Review. Lessing's Laocoon, or Goethe's criticism on Hamlet, “filled [him] with wonder and despair.”[5]
Of the marvellous discoveries of science which were succeeding each other day by day he took no note; his pages contain no reference to them. It has been told already how he recoiled from the mathematical studies of his university. These deductions made, the circuit of his knowledge still remains very wide — as extensive perhaps as any human brain is competent to embrace. His literary outfit was as complete as has ever been possessed by any English writer; and, if it wants the illumination of philosophy, it has an equivalent resource in a practical acquaintance with affairs, with administration, with the interior of cabinets, and the humour of popular assemblies.[5]
Nor was the knowledge merely stored in his memory; it was always at his command. Whatever his subject, he pours over it his stream of illustration, drawn from the records of all ages and countries. His Essays are not merely instructive as history; they are, like Milton's blank verse, freighted with the spoils of all the ages.[5]
Macaulay, the historian no less than the politician, is always on the side of justice, fairness for the weak against the strong, the oppressed against the oppressor. But though a Liberal in practical politics, he had not the reformer's temperament. The world as it is was good enough for him. The glories of wealth, rank, honours, literary fame, the elements of vulgar happiness, made up his ideal of life. A successful man himself, every personage and every cause is judged by its success. “ The brilliant Macaulay,” says Emerson, “ who expresses the tone of the English governing classes of the day, explicitly teaches that ' good ' means good to eat, good to wear, material commodity.” Macaulay is in accord with the average sentiment of orthodox and stereotyped humanity on the relative values of the objects and motives of human endeavour. And this commonplace materialism is one of the secrets of his popularity, and one of the qualities which guarantee that that popularity will be enduring.[5]
Critical introduction[]
"You are very right in admiring Macaulay," wrote Miss Elizabeth Barrett to Mr. Horne in 1843; "he has a noble, clear, metallic note in his soul, and makes us ready by it for battle. I very much admire Mr. Macaulay, and could scarcely read his ballads and keep lying down. They seemed to draw me up to my feet as the mesmeric powers are said to do."
This testimony from so competent a judge as Mrs. Browning is all the more valuable because, great as is still the popularity of the Lays with the mass of those who read poetry, the higher critical authorities have pronounced against them, and are even teaching us to wonder whether they can be called poetry at all. They find in the Lays the same faults which mar the author’s prose — commonplaceness of ideas, cheapness of sentiment and imagery, made to prevail by dint of the writer’s irresistible command of a new rhetorical force; in a word, eloquent Philistinism. Against this too exclusive judgment it is well to set Miss Barrett’s frank recognition of the power, the spirit, the vividness of historical imagination that informs all Macaulay’s writing. One of her epithets, which she uses honoris causâ, we may accept as fairly characterising the evil element in his mind — the epithet metallic. His ballads have the clear resonance of the trumpet: they have its hardness too.[6]
Critical reputation[]
As an historian Macaulay has not escaped the charge of partisanship. He was a Whig; and in writing the history of the rise and triumph of Whig principles in the latter half of the 17th century he identified himself with the cause. But the charge of partiality, as urged against Macaulay, means more than that he wrote the history of the Whig revolution from the point of view of those who made it. When he is describing the merits of friends and the faults of enemies his pen knows no moderation. He has a constant tendency to glaring colors, to strong effects, and will always be striking violent blows. He is not merely exuberant but excessive. There is an overweening confidence about his tone; he expresses himself in trenchant phrases, which are like challenges to an opponent to stand up and deny them. His propositions have no qualifications. Uninstructed readers like this assurance, as they like a physician who has no doubt about their case. But a sense of distrust grows upon the more circumspect reader as he follows page after page of Macaulay's categorical affirmations about matters which our own experience of life teaches us to be of a contingent nature. We inevitably think of a saying attributed to Lord Melbourne: “ I wish I were as cocksure of any one thing as Macaulay is of everything.” Macaulay's was the mind of the advocate, not of the philosopher; it was the mind of Bossuet, which admits no doubts or reserves itself and tolerates none in others, and as such was disqualified from that equitable balancing of evidence which is the primary function of the historian.[5]
Macaulay's approach has been criticised by later historians for its 1-sidedness and its complacency. Karl Marx referred to him as a 'systematic falsifier of history'.[7] His tendency to see history as a drama led him to treat figures whose views he opposed as if they were villains, while characters he approved of were presented as heroes. Macaulay goes to considerable length, for example, to absolve his main hero William III of any responsibility for the Glencoe massacre. Winston Churchill devoted a 4- volume biography of the Duke of Marlborough to rebutting Macaulay's slights of his ancestor, expressing hope 'to fasten the label "Liar" to his genteel coat-tails.'[8]
On the other hand, this outlook, together with his obvious love of his subject matter and of English civilization, helps to place the reader within the age being described in a personal way that no cold neutrality could. Macaulay's History is generally recognized as a masterpiece of historical writing and a magisterial literary triumph, comparable as such only to Edward Gibbon and Jules Michelet.
Liberal historian Lord Acton read Macaulay's History of England 4 times and later described himself as "a raw English schoolboy, primed to the brim with Whig politics" but "not Whiggism only, but Macaulay in particular that I was so full of". However after coming under German influence Acton would later find fault in Macaulay.[9] In 1880 Acton classed Macaulay (with Burke and Gladstone) as among the "three greatest Liberals".[10] In 1883 he advised Mary Gladstone "that the Essays are really flashy and superficial. He was not above par in literary criticism; his Indian articles will not hold water; and his two most famous reviews, on Bacon and Ranke, show his incompetence. The essays are only pleasant reading, and a key to half the prejudices of our age. It is the History (with one or two speeches) that is wonderful. He knew nothing respectably before the seventeenth century, he knew nothing of foreign history, of religion, philosophy, science, or art. His account of debates has been thrown into the shade by Ranke, his account of diplomatic affairs, by Klopp. He is, I am persuaded, grossly, basely unfair. Read him therefore to find out how it comes that the most unsympathetic of critics can think him very nearly the greatest of English writers".[11]
In 1885 Acton asserted that: "We must never judge the quality of a teaching by the quality of the Teacher, or allow the spots to shut out the sun. It would be unjust, and it would deprive us of nearly all that is great and good in this world. Let me remind you of Macaulay. He remains to me one of the greatest of all writers and masters, although I think him utterly base, contemptible and odious for certain reasons which you know".[12] In 1888 he wrote that Macaulay "had done more than any writer in the literature of the world for the propagation of the Liberal faith, and he was not only the greatest, but the most representative, Englishman then [1856] living".[13]
Herbert Butterfield's The Whig Interpretation of History (1931) attacked Whig history. Dutch historian Pieter Geyl, writing in 1955, considered Macaulay's Essays as "exclusively and intolerantly English".[14]
George Richard Potter, professor and head of the department of history at the University of Sheffield from 1931 to 1965, claimed "In an age of long letters...Macaulay's hold their own with the best".[15] However Potter also claimed: "For all his linguistic abilities he seems never to have tried to enter into sympathetic mental contact with the classical world or with the Europe of his day. It was an insularity that was impregnable...If his outlook was insular, however, it was surely British rather than English".[16] He said this about Macaulay's determination to inspect physically the places mentioned in his History: "Much of the success of the famous third chapter of the History which may be said to have introduced the study of social history, and even ... local history, was due to the intense local knowledge acquired on the spot. As a result it is a superb, living picture of Great Britain in the latter half of the 17th century.... No description of the relief of Londonderry in a major history of England existed before 1850; after his visit there and the narrative written round it no other account has been needed...Scotland came fully into its own and from then until now it has been a commonplace that English history is incomprehensible without Scotland".[17]
Potter noted that Macaulay has had many critics, some of whom put forward some salient points about the deficiency of Macaulay's History but added: "The severity and the minuteness of the criticism to which the History of England has been subjected is a measure of its permanent value. It is worth very ounce of powder and shot that is fired again it". Potter concluded that "in the long roll of English historical writing from Clarendon to Trevelyan only Gibbon has surpassed him in security of reputation and certainty of immortality".[18]
In 1972 J. R. Western wrote that: "Despite its age and blemishes, Macaulay's History of England has still to be superseded by a full-scale modern history of the period".[19] In 1974 J.P. Kenyon stated that: "As is often the case, Macaulay had it exactly right".[20]
W.A. Speck wrote in 1980 that Macaulay's History of England "still commands respect is that it was based upon a prodigious amount of research".[21] Speck claims that "Macaulay's reputation as an historian has never fully recovered from the condemnation it implicitly received in Herbert Butterfield's devastating attack on The Whig Interpretation of History. Though he was never cited by name, there can be no doubt that Macaulay answers to the charges brought against Whig historians, particularly that they study the past with reference to the present, class people in the past as those who furthered progress and those who hindered it, and judge them accordingly".[22] Speck also said that Macaulay too often "denies the past has its own validity, treating it as being merely a prelude to his own age. This is especially noticeable in the third chapter of his History of England, when again and again he contrasts the backwardness of 1685 with the advances achieved by 1848. Not only does this misuse the past, it also leads him to exaggerate the differences".[22]
Although Speck also wrote that Macaulay "took pains to present the virtues even of a rogue, and he painted the virtuous warts and all",[23] and that "he was never guilty of suppressing or distorting evidence to make it support a proposition which he knew to be untrue".[24] Speck concluded: "What is in fact striking is the extent to which his History of England at least has survived subsequent research. Although it is often dismissed as inaccurate, it is hard to pinpoint a passage where he is categorically in error...his account of events has stood up remarkably well...His interpretation of the Glorious Revolution also remains the essential starting point for any discussion of that episode...What has not survived, or has become subdued, is Macaulay's confident belief in progress. It was a dominant creed in the era of the Great Exhibition. But Auschwitz and Hiroshima destroyed this century's claim to moral superiority over its predecessors, while the exhaustion of natural resources raises serious doubts about the continuation even of material progress into the next."[24]
In 1981 J.W. Burrow argued that Macaulay's History of England:
- is not simply partisan; a judgement, like that of Firth, that Macaulay was always the Whig politician could hardly be more inapposite. Of course Macaulay thought that the Whigs of the 17th century were correct in their fundamental ideas, but the hero of the History was William, who, as Macaulay says, was certainly no Whig...If this was Whiggism it was so only, by the mid-19th century, in the most extended and inclusive sense, requiring only an acceptance of parliamentary government and a sense of gravity of precedent. Butterfield says, rightly, that in the nineteenth century the Whig view of history became the English view. The chief agent of that transformation was surely Macaulay, aided, of course, by the receding relevance of seventeenth-century conflicts to contemporary politics, as the power of the crown waned further, and the civil disabilities of Catholics and Dissenters were removed by legislation. The History is much more than the vindication of a party; it is an attempt to insinuate a view of politics, pragmatic, reverent, essentially Burkean, informed by a high, even tumid sense of the worth of public life, yet fully conscious of its interrelations with the wider progress of society; it embodies what Hallam had merely asserted, a sense of the privileged possession by Englishmen of their history, as well as of the epic dignity of government by discussion. If this was sectarian it was hardly, in any useful contemporary sense, polemically Whig; it is more like the sectarianism of English respectability.[25]
In 1982, Gertrude Himmelfarb wrote that "most professional historians have long since given up reading Macaulay, as they have given up writing the kind of history he wrote and thinking about history as he did. Yet there was a time when anyone with any pretension to cultivation read Macaulay".[26] Himmelfarb also laments that "the history of the History is a sad testimonial to the cultural regression of our times".[27]
Recognition[]
At Cambridge, Macaulay won the Chancellor's Gold Medal for poetry in 1819 and 1821.[28]
Macaulay was buried in Poets' Corner in Westminster Abbey, at the foot of the statue of Joseph Addison, on 9 January 1860. The service was conducted by Richard Chenevix Trench, the dean of Westminster.[29]
Macaulay's nephew, Sir George Trevelyan, 2nd Baronet, wrote a best-selling Life and Letters of his famous uncle, which is still the best complete life of Macaulay. (His great-nephew was the Cambridge historian G.M. Trevelyan.)
Macauley's poem "A Jacobite's Epitaph" was included in the Oxford Book of English Verse 1250-1900.[30]
Publications[]
Poetry[]
- Lays of Ancient Rome. London: Longman, Brown, Green, & Longmans, 1842
- London: Oxford University Press, 1906; Washington, DC: Regnery, 1997.
- Poetical Works. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1884.
- Poems. London & New York: Putnam, 1911.
Non-fiction[]
- Critical and Historical Essays: Contributed to the 'Edinburgh Review'. (3 volumes), London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1843. Volume I, Volume II, Volume III.
- published as Essays: Critical and miscellaneous. Philadelphia: Carey & Hart, 1843; Paris: Baudry, 1843.
- The History of England from the Accession of James II. (5 volumes), London: London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1848; New York: Harper, 1849. Volume 1, Volume 2, Volume 3, Volume 4, Volume 5.
- Inaugural Address ... on his installation as Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow ... 21st March 1849. London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1849.
- Warren Hastings. London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1851
- also published as Essay on Warren Hastings. London & New York: Macmillan, 1900.
- Lord Clive. London : Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1851.
- Life of Samuel Johnson. London: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1856; New York & Cincinnati, OH: American Book Co., 1895; Boston: Leach, Shewell, & Sanborn, 1895; London & New York: Macmillan, 1903.
- Essay on Milton: From the 'Edinburgh Review'. London & Edinburgh: W. & R. Chambers, 1872.
- Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches. (4 volumes), London & New York: Longmans, Green, 1889. Volume 1, Volume 2, Volume 3, Volume 4.
- Select Essays. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1891.
- Essays on Milton and Addison. Chicago: Scott, Foresman, 1899; New York: D. Appleton, 1903.
- Literary Essays of Thomas Babington Macaulay. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1900.
- Historical Essays. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1901.
- Critical and Historical Essays (edited by Alexander James Grieve). (2 volumes), London: J.M. Dent / New York: E.P. Dutton, 1907. Vol. 1,Vol. 2.
- The Life of John Bunyan. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1914.
- Select Essays. Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1916.
- Machiavelli. Gerard, KS: Haldeman-Julius, 1923.
Collected editions[]
- Miscellaneous Writings. London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1860.
- Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays, and Poems. New York: A.C. Armstrong, 1860.
- Works, Complete: Edited by his sister, Lady Trevelyan. London, New York, & Bombay: Longmans, Green, 1866.
- Selections from the Writings (selected by George Otto Trevelyan). London: Longmans, Green, 1876.
- Essays, and Lays of ancient Rome. London: Longmans, Green (Authorized edition), 1885.
- Works. London, Longmans, Green (Albany edition), 1898.
- Complete Works. New York: Sully & Kleinteich, 1899-1900; Boston: Houghton Mifflin (Household edition), 1910.
Letters and journals[]
- Sir George Otto Trevelyan, Life and Letters. New York: Harper, 1876. London: Longmans Green (Popular edition), 1893.
- Letters (edited by Thomas Pinney). (6 volumes), Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Volume I: 1807 to February, 1831, 1974; Volume II; Volume III: January 1834 - August 1841, 1976; Volume IV: September 1841 - December 1848, 1977.
- Selected Letters (edited by Thomas Pinney). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1982.
- Journals (edited by William Thomas). London: Pickering & Chatto, 2007.
Except where noted, bibliographical information courtesy WorldCat.[31]
See also[]
References[]
- Arthur Bryant, Macaulay (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1979). ISBN 0-297-77550-2 [Facsimile reprint of London, P. Davies, 1932], old, popular biography
- John Leonard Clive, Thomas Babington Macaulay - the Shaping of the Historian (London: Secker and Warburg, 1973). ISBN 043610220X
- Margaret Cruikshank, Thomas Babington Macaulay (Boston: Twayne, 1978). ISBN 0-8057-6686-3
- Edwards, Owen Dudley. Macaulay (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1988).
- Catherine Hall. "Macaulay's Nation," Victorian Studies Volume 51, Number 3, Spring 2009 DOI: 10.1353/vic.0.0237
- Harrington, Jack (2010), Sir John Malcolm and the Creation of British India, Ch. 6, New York: Palgrave Macmillan., ISBN 978-0-230-10885-1
- Pattison, Mark (1911). "Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron". In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 132=136.. Wikisource, Web, Aug. 28, 2020.
- Robert E. Sullivan, Macaulay: The Tragedy of Power (Belknap Press [Harvard University Press], 2010). ISBN 978-0-674-03624-6
- George Otto Trevelyan, Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay. Volumes I and II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978). [1876] ISBN 0-19-822487-7
Notes[]
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 Pattison, 193.
- ↑ Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859), English Poetry, 1579-1830, Center for Applied Technologies in the Humanities, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University. Web, Aug. 11, 2016.
- ↑ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 Pattison, 194.
- ↑ 4.00 4.01 4.02 4.03 4.04 4.05 4.06 4.07 4.08 4.09 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 Pattison, 195.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 Pattison, 196.
- ↑ from Thomas Humphry Ward, "Critical Introduction: Thomas Babington, Lord Macaulay (1800–1859)," The English Poets: Selections with critical introductions (edited by Thomas Humphry Ward). New York & London: Macmillan, 1880-1918. Web, Mar. 16, 2016.
- ↑ Karl Marx, Das Kapital, ch. 27, p.877: "I quote Macaulay, because as a systematic falsifier of history he minimizes facts of this kind as much as possible"
- ↑ Winston Churchill, Marlborough: His Life and Times, ch. 9, 132: "It is beyond our hopes to overtake Lord Macaulay. The grandeur and sweep of his story-telling carries him swiftly along, and with every generation he enters new fields. We can only hope that Truth will follow swiftly enough to fasten the label 'Liar' to his genteel coat-tails."
- ↑ Roland Hill, Lord Acton (London: Yale University Press, 2000), p. 25.
- ↑ Herbert Paul (ed.), Letters of Lord Acton to Mary Gladstone (George Allen, 1904), p. 57.
- ↑ Paul, 173.
- ↑ Paul, p. 210.
- ↑ John Neville Figgis and Reginald Vere Laurence (eds.), Historical Essays & Studies by John Emerich Dalberg-Acton, First Baron Acton (London: Macmillan, 1907), p. 482.
- ↑ Pieter Geyl, Debates with Historians (Batsford, 1955), p. 30.
- ↑ G.R. Potter, Macaulay (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1959), 10.
- ↑ Potter, 25.
- ↑ Potter, 29.
- ↑ Potter, p. 35.
- ↑ J. R. Western, Monarchy and Revolution. The English State in the 1680s (London: Blandford Press, 1972), p. 403.
- ↑ J. P. Kenyon, ‘The Revolution of 1688: Resistance and Contract’, in Neil McKendrick (ed.), Historical Perspectives. Studies in English thought and Society in Honour of J.H. Plumb (London: Europa Publications, 1974), p. 47, n. 14.
- ↑ W.A. Speck, ‘Thomas Babington Macaulay’, in John Cannon (ed.), The Historian at Work (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1980), p. 57.
- ↑ 22.0 22.1 Speck, p. 64.
- ↑ Speck, p. 65.
- ↑ 24.0 24.1 Speck, p. 67.
- ↑ J. W. Burrow, A Liberal Descent. Victorian Historians and the English Past (Cambridge University Press, 1981).
- ↑ Gertrude Himmelfarb, ‘Who Now Reads Macaulay?’, Marriage and Morals among The Victorians, and other essays (London: Faber and Faber, 1986), 163.
- ↑ Himmelfarb, 165.
- ↑ Chancellor's Gold Medal, Wikipedia, March 14, 2020, Wikimedia Foundation. Web, Aub. 28, 2020.
- ↑ Thomas Babington Macaulay, People, History, Westminster Abbey. Web, Aug. 11, 2016.
- ↑ "A Jacobite's Epitaph". Arthur Quiller-Couch, editor, Oxford Book of English Verse 1250-1900 (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1919). Bartleby.com, Web, May 6, 2012.
- ↑ Search results = au:Thomas Babington Macaulay, WorldCat, OCLC Online Computer Library Center Inc. Web, Sep. 25, 2013.
External links[]
- Poems
- "A Jacobite's Epitaph"
- Macaulay in The English Poets: An anthology: "The Battle of Naseby," "Epitaph on a Jacobite"
- Macaulay in A Victorian Anthology, 1837-1895: "The Battle of Naseby," "Epitaph on a Jacobite," "Ivry"
- Selected Poetry of Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859) (4 poems) at Representative Poetry Online.
- Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1st Baron Macaulay at Poetry Nook (8 poems)
- Thomas Babington Macaulay at Poets' Corner (website)
- Thomas Babington Macauley at PoemHunter (23 poems)
- Prose
- Books
- Lays of Ancient Rome (Complete) at Poets' Corner with an introduction by Bob Blair
- Works by Thomas Babington Macaulay at Project Gutenberg
- Thomas Babington Macaulay at Amazon.com
- Works by or about Thomas Babington Macaulay in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
- Audio / video
- About
- Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron Macaulay in the Encyclopædia Britannica
- Thomas Babington Macauley at NNDB
- Thomas Babington Macauley at Spartacus Educational
- Macaulay, Thomas Babington in the Dictionary of National Biography
- Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859), Fran Pritchett, Columbia University
- Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay at the History of Economic Thought
- Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859) at English Poetry, 1579-1830
- Macaulay, Thomas Babington (1800-1839 at History of Parliament Online, 1820-1832
- Lord Macaulay's Habit of Exaggeration, JamesBoswell.info
- Macaulay's Minute revisited, Ramachandra Guha, The Hindu, February 4, 2007
- Thomas Babington Macaulay at Find a Grave
- Thomas Babington Macaulay at Find a Grave (memorial statue, antechapel, Trinity College, Cambridge, UK)
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain, the 1911 Edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica. Original article is at: Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
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